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19. grudzień 2007 - 7:01
Piotr Hlebowicz z Wydziału Wschodniego "Solidarności Walczącej"
w artykule na portalu abcnet Fundacja Orientacyjna (pełna wersja artykułu w internecie)

"Jesienią 1989 roku pojechałem do Berlina Zachodniego na zaproszenie redakcji "Poglądu", gościłem u szefa pisma, Edwarda Klimczaka. Prowadziłem rozmowy o książkach oraz pomocy sprzętowej dla wschodu. Wszystkie sprawy załatwiłem ekspresowo, gdyż Jadwiga Chmielowska już wcześniej zasygnalizowała Michalczykowi nasze zapotrzebowania. Omawiałem praktycznie szczegóły, miałem więc czas na obserwowanie ostatnich chwil dogorywającego NRD. Choć nie było jeszcze porozumienia o zjednoczeniu Niemiec, przez wybite dziury w słynnym berlińskim murze ludzie swobodnie przechodzili z sektora komunistycznego do Berlina Zachodniego przy milczącej obojętności strażników na wieżyczkach. Od redakcji "Poglądu" otrzymaliśmy wtedy sprzęt i materiały związane z poligrafią oraz książki i egzemplarze "Poglądu". Ledwie z tym wszystkim dowlokłem się do Krakowa (jechałem pociągiem)."

Piotr Hlebowicz
Barwałd Górny 121
34-130 Kalwaria Zebrzydowska
tel. (033) 876 46 13
kom; 0507 812 334
mail: phlebowicz@yahoo.com

O pomocy Poglądu dla Polskiej Partii Socjalistycznej

"We must get enough money together. From what sources does our party get money? From time to time we get help from our friends in the West — for example, from Edward Klimczak, publisher of POGLAD.(link)

   Pełny tekst znaleziono:

East Europe JPRS-EER-90-128 CONTENTS 12 SEPTEMBER 1990
POLITICAL JPRS-EER-90-128. 12 September 1990.

Jest to przetłumaczony na język angielski artykuł
Krzysztofa Grzegrzółki: Finansowanie partii politycznych.
Ambicje plus złotówki
., opublikowany w nr. 6 Poglądu
z czerwca 1990 r. Poniższy tekst jest reprintem z internetu.

LINK (pdf):
Location= U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf

Link (html):

 90EP0755A Warsaw POGLAD in Polish No 6, Jun 90 pp 19-20 [Article by Krzysztof Grzegrzolka: "Financing Political Parties: Ambitions Plus Zlotys"]

Page 17

In Warsaw at Nowy Swiat Street No. 41 there flies a black flag with a blue cross and white borders. This is the flag of the Union for Real Politics [UPR], Janusz Korwin-Mikke's conservatives. A small table on the sidewalk is covered with books, the weekly NAJWYZSZY CZAS, (the organ of the UPR) and stickers, fliers, and brochures. In the courtyard are the headquarters of the newspaper and the party's offices. They must cost a few million zlotys a month in upkeep. No one is anxious to say much about the subject of financing the UPR. Ostensibly its head, Janusz Korwin-Mikke, mortgaged his land in Jozefowo near Warsaw and the UPR is supposed to use this money for operating expenses, propaganda, and publications. A few groszy come into the party coffers from the sale of these publications. At least that is the story told by the treasurer of the UPR, who, when asked about specifics, gave the pat answer:"My dear sir, gentlemen do not discuss finances!"

The socialists, with whom the UPR is battling furiously, claim that Korwin-Mikke has extensive contacts with Western conservatives and, in addition, his own bank accounts, the result of prewar inheritances. In their opinion, his is the most powerful group in Poland from the material standpoint; consequently, in no way should it be taken lightly.

Not far away, on the other side of Nowy Swiat, the Confederation for an Independent Poland [KPN] has planted its anchor sideways with respect to the abandoned former PZPR [Polish United Workers Party] building. One could say that it took the little palace by storm, a palace in which, as director of the Political Council Office Henryk Kozakiewicz says, various groups — the ZTM [expansion unknown], the LZS [Peoples Sports Association], the OHP [Volunteer Labot Brigades], and others — resided illegally for years. "Initially, we occupied only two rooms on the 13th floor of the Palace of Culture and Science. We did not even have enough money for furniture, and so we borrowed some old furniture from an office that was friendly with us. We were the first to point out that all parties were having problems with money and a location, not just our party.And so when we set about moving into buildings, we also requested locations for the Labor Party, for the ZChN [Christian-National Union] and the PPS [Polish Socialist Party]. The head of the UPR even wanted to have us put in jail for occupying these buildings. But as God is our witness, we were attacking a thief and not an owner.

"The KPN is amazed that so much money and material means were left in the possession of the very people who had led Poland into ruin. The SdRP

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[Social Democracy of the Polish Republic], the heirs of the PZPR, continue to maintain many luxurious facilities. They have also inherited from the PZPR 100 billion zlotys — 25 billion at a low interest rate and the rest in the RSW [Workers Cooperative Publishing House]. At the KPN they claim that if they had this much money they would assume control of the government in the next election."

In the opinion of the director of the KPN Political Council, every party should be self-supporting. The KPN started out by meeting in private homes. In his opinion, PAX is an example of a financially, very strong party. It has only a few members, but owns about 40 enterprises. It is a financially prosperous group of business people who do not need any backers to exist. "It is a party of business people who have given up their ideals to serve money and business. They have companies. Materially ,they are most powerful and in this regard they may be compared only to the Solidarity's Citizens Committees."

In issue No. 9 of the KPN organ, OPINIE, there is the statement: "Our editorial office is not endowed or supported by anyone. The publisher of OPINIE, the Confederation for an Independent Poland, does not belong to organizations which receive significant funds from the West or the East." Meanwhile, it is often whispered with unconcealed jealousy that Leszek Moczulski has succeeded in doing an impossible thing. Apparently, by methods supposedly known only to him, he convinced American politicians to bypass the order of the US Congress which forbade the subsidizing of the KPN. "Money from abroad? Foreign financial aid for political parties ordinarily implies links with the CIA or the KGB. If someone in Poland takes money from them, that is his business. As for us — God forbid! We receive donations from our sympathizers worldwide. There are donations from Polonia [citizens of other countries of Polish descent] which, as everyone knows, is not overly generous. Leszek Moczulski was in Great Britain recently and brought in money both by giving lectures and in other ways. It was precisely from the emigre community in England that he collected some of the money. This was not some dirty money that many people make it out to be...."

In the opinion of KPN members, it is much "cleaner" than the monies Bronislaw Geremek, for example, received for the election campaign (to this day no one knows how these monies were used). "Did Najder get some from Mr. Geremek or not? Six hundred seventy thousand dollars is no paltry sum. Does the Polish-American Congress or do the officials of the US National Democratic Fund (who transferred these funds with Polonia as an intermediary, not suspecting that they would possibly be used to support post-PZPR socialism in Poland) know about this?" queries Director Kozakiewicz.

The various headquarters of the ZChN are sparsely, monastically furnished. There is a cross on the wall, a desk, and two chairs (this is how the property of the party is described). However, when it is necessary to organize some sort of political campaign, the pastors from all the Catholic parishes in Poland announce it from their pulpits. Officially the church does not support the ZChN financially, but unofficially it is possible that in individual parishes the pastor may donate "some small sum." And he certainly will make available the catechesis room for meetings. Moreover, the ZChN officials count on representatives of trade, a growing group of private producers centered around this party. Until recently, many of them were associated with the Democratic Party which, in accordance with the coalitional distribution of officials set up by the Communists, was to be the party of private enterprise. And just as the PZPR lived parasitically off all the layers of society, beginning with the workers and the peasants and ending with the intelligentsia, the SD was to deal primarily with trade "interests." Today, all its property from the earlier period remains in its hands. Waysides has tremendous power (already 40,000 members) and material means, while the PPS of Jan Jozef Lipski, which numbers little more than 2,000 members, has available several rooms on Krakowskie Przedmiescie in Warsaw and is primarily engaged in a struggle to meet its most pressing material needs.

For example, it cannot afford that very necessary instrument of struggle — its own publication — and thus for along time it has remained as if invisible on the Polish political scene. Such circumstances make things very easy for the opposition. For example, the press described a meeting between Oscar Lafontaine and Aleksander Kwasniewski, which lasted "as much as" 10 minutes and took place in a corridor, but no one wrote about a two-hour interview this German Social Democrat, candidate for chancellor in this year's election, gave to Jan Jozef Lipski.
"We intend to publish our own periodical, a weekly", says Adrian Stankowski, chief of propaganda for the PPS.

"We must get enough money together. From what sources does our party get money? From time to time we get help from our friends in the West — for example, from Edward Klimczak, publisher of POGLAD.

In addition, we get member contributions amounting to one percent of membership dues. Few people are aware that the PPS was flat broke for a year. One reason for this was the lack of integrity of certain Solidarity activists, who failed to transfer our money to us (they also did this with other groups as well). A special fund for aiding political parties in Poland was set up and the principles for distributing  this money were laid out. We were to receive 25 percent,I think the KPN was to receive 30 percent and the like .I do not want to give the names of the people who were responsible for this, but we still have not received this money, which was offered by the Polish-American Congress. It is unfortunate, for they offered this money as our friends and allies."

The PPS wants to strengthen its treasury with money from economic activity. The Association for Self-Government Initiatives has been created. It will produce cheap, healthy food. To this end it plans to take over

Page 20

a portion of the assets of Spolem (a cooperative once established by the PPS). The Krakow branch of the Green Party (apparently quite wealthy) earns money in the same way. It sells all of its products in the West. The PPS already has a credit source in the West, in Italy to be precise. This lender is not socialist, but is a sympathizer and grants credit on pure market principles, assures the PPS press spokesman. In his opinion, the PPS has much greater significance abroad than it does in Poland. The PPS is considered by the officials of the Socialist Internationale to be the most formidable partner with this political orientation in Poland. The West sponsors almost all PPS trips abroad and foreign visits.

Nonetheless, the variety of parties with "socialist" in their name is growing. These include the Independent [Polish] Socialist Party [(N)PPS], financed by the OPZZ [All-Polish Trade Unions Agreement] and the party of Osobka-Morawski aided by the SdRP. Adrian Stankowski states: "I do not believe that some sort of national allied party such as the former communist-nationalist party could spring up suddenly, out of nothing. It must have some sort of financial backing for its activity, especially since the membership of such groups sometimes can be counted on the fingers of one hand. Today anyone who has access to money or who is independently wealthy can found a political party. A party's interest is to get into power. And the more there are of such interests, the more political parties there will be. There are already more than 100 of them...

Pomoc dla "Solidarności Walczącej" w Poznaniu (wspomnienia Joanny Frankiewicz)

"Ale nadal było dużo do zrobienia: wybory kontraktowe, których SW nie zaakceptowała, nawołując do ich bojkotu, walka o likwidację cenzury i SB, potem tworzenie klubów „Wolni i Solidarni” i wreszcie Partii Wolności. Przez cały ten czas wydawaliśmy nadal biuletyn „Solidarność Walcząca Oddział Poznań”, który jednak przybierał coraz bardziej czytelne i nowoczesne kształty (m.in. dzięki wsparciu technicznemu redakcji pisma „Pogląd– i samego jego twórcy Edwarda Klimczaka z Berlina Zachodniego), no i oczywiście ukazywał się coraz bardziej otwarcie." 

Pełny tekst w internecie (Link)